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Did Massachusetts's 1690 paper money and Continental money keep their value?

Research question: How did colonial paper money experiments such as Massachusetts's 1690 issue and the Continental currency work in practice, what did the historical evidence show about how their value held or collapsed, how did newspapers of the time report public reactions, and what lessons from that record still sh

The records show that Massachusetts issued fiduciary paper money in 1690 to pay soldiers returning from a Canadian expedition, though Canadian card money had appeared five years earlier 2233. Colonial legislatures managed note quantities by switching between taxing money out of circulation and burning it, or rolling over issues as they were paid in as taxes, and backing regimes both sustained acceptance through taxes and shaped money supply through redemption timing 45. Outcomes varied: Virginia's notes traded below face value because of time-discounting rather than depreciation 11, while Continentals fell from 1:1 with specie to 168:1 by spring 1781 after about $225 million was issued 2728. The New-Hampshire Gazette reported that Portsmouth merchants in July 1779 capped prices, discouraged trading goods for hard money, and threatened those who refused Continentals 17181920, and a May 1780 issue complained that a gallon of rum sold for 30 or 40 pounds though its real value was five or six shillings sterling 16. The facts do not address which lessons from this record still apply today, so that part of the question remains unanswered.

Checked 2026-10-18. Only documented and supported facts are used.
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Sources

[1] supported
The colony of Massachusetts successfully ended a severe long-term inflation in 1750.
"The evidence for this argument comes from a close look at the way in which the colony of Massachusetts ended a severe long-term inflation in 1750."
Money and Inflation in Colonial Massachussetts (2002)
[2] supported
Other British North American colonies experienced inflation episodes similar to those in Massachusetts.
"Other British North American colonies endured similar episodes, all of which parallel some periods of severe inflation in the 20th century United States."
Money and Inflation in Colonial Massachussetts (2002)
[3] documented
In Maryland in 1781, three distinct types of paper money ('red', 'black', and 'state continental') traded at different discounts from their face value because they were backed by different sources, such as future taxes or confiscated loyalist property.
"Maryland issued three distinguishable types of paper money, namely, “red” money, “black” money, and “state continental” money in 1780-81. The three monies were backed differently, some by future taxes and some by the expected sale of confiscated loyalist property, and they also traded at differing discounts off their face value."
Two Theories of Money Reconciled: The Colonial Puzzle Revisited with New Evidence (2005)
[4] documented
Colonial legislatures managed the quantity of paper money by switching between policies of taxing money out of circulation and burning it, versus rolling over issues as they were paid in as taxes.
"In some cases they switched between the policy of taxing the money out of circulation and physically burning it, and the policy of rolling-over issues of paper money as they where paid in as taxes"
Two Theories of Money Reconciled: The Colonial Puzzle Revisited with New Evidence (2005)
[5] documented
Colonial backing regimes served a dual function by holding paper money's value through tax acceptance and influencing the total quantity of money through the timing of note redemption.
"They served a backing function by holding the value of paper money above its opportunity value through paper money’s acceptance for tax obligations, and a quantity function by influencing the quantity of money through the time-path of note redemption."
Two Theories of Money Reconciled: The Colonial Puzzle Revisited with New Evidence (2005)
[6] documented
The Pennsylvania legislature could not defend a fixed exchange rate between paper money and specie in the short run but engaged in monetary actions during large crises like wars and trade shocks.
"They also could not defend an exchange rate between paper money and specie in the short run. However, they could and did engage in monetary actions in response to large crises, such as wars, depressions, and trade shocks"
Two Theories of Money Reconciled: The Colonial Puzzle Revisited with New Evidence (2005)
[7] documented
Virginia's paper money was not a fiat currency but a barter asset whose value was determined primarily by its real-asset present value, with only a small transaction premium.
"Virginia’s paper money was not a fiat currency, but a barter asset, with just enough “moneyness” value to make it the preferred medium of exchange for local transactions."
Colonial Virginia's Paper Money Regime, 1755-1774: Value Decomposition and Performance (2016)
[8] documented
Positive risk discounts in the value of Virginia's paper money occurred specifically in years when treasurer malfeasance was suspected.
"Positive risk discounts occurred in years when treasurer malfeasance was suspected."
Colonial Virginia's Paper Money Regime, 1755-1774: Value Decomposition and Performance (2016)
[9] documented
The removal of legal tender status by the 1764 Currency Act did not reduce the transaction premium or 'moneyness' value that Virginians placed on their treasury notes.
"The Parliamentary removal of legal tender status of colonial paper monies did not reduce the TP or “moneyness” value Virginians placed on their own treasury notes."
Colonial Virginia's Paper Money Regime, 1755-1774: Value Decomposition and Performance (2016)
[10] documented
The face value of Virginia's paper notes was legally fixed at a ratio of 1 pound of paper money to 200 pounds of tobacco or 1.25 pounds sterling.
"The face value of the notes for redemption purposes was fixed in law to be 1£ = 200 pounds of tobacco = 1.25£ [£ = Virginia paper pounds, £ = pounds sterling]"
Colonial Virginia's Paper Money Regime, 1755-1774: Value Decomposition and Performance (2016)
[11] documented
Colonial Virginia's paper money functioned as a zero-coupon bond and traded below face value due to time-discounting rather than depreciation.
"Virginia’s paper money was mostly a barter asset. It functioned as a zero-coupon bond and not a fiat currency. It traded below face value due to time-discounting, notdepreciation."
Colonial Virginia's paper money, 1755–1774: value decomposition and performance (2018)
[12] documented
The Virginia legislature used a specific tax-redemption mechanism where net new taxes were set to redeem an equal amount of paper money per year over a fixed window to preserve credit.
"The typical method of Tm tax-redemption was to set net new taxes to redeem M to be an equal amount per year (Tm) over an N-year redemption window... The Virginia legislature took note redemptionanditseffectoncontrollingthevalueofitspapermoneyseriously"
Colonial Virginia's paper money, 1755–1774: value decomposition and performance (2018)
[13] documented
Positive risk discounts on Virginia's paper money occurred specifically in years when there were worries that the government would not redeem the money as promised, rather than due to counterfeiting.
"Positiveriskdiscountsoccurredinyearswhenmon-etarytroublesweresuspected,namelyworriesthatthegovernmentwouldnotredeemthepapermoney aspromised.Counterfeiting,however,wasnotoneoftheseworries."
Colonial Virginia's paper money, 1755–1774: value decomposition and performance (2018)
[14] documented
The Virginia legislature effectively used tools to mitigate the effects of counterfeiting on the value of its paper money.
"Thelegislaturehadthetoolsand used them effectively to mitigate the effects of counterfeiting on the value of its paper money."
Colonial Virginia's paper money, 1755–1774: value decomposition and performance (2018)
[15] documented
The author claims that the current Continental currency has no funds to support it and proposes that each State should fund its quota on its own funds to give permanent value to the money.
"That the present currency has no funds to fuppert it.- It refison nothing fub fubftantal, - ftantal, fubftantal, and the only way to give permanent value to what appears now to be its worth, ic for each S:ate to ingraft jts quota on its own funds."
Image 1 of New-Hampshire gazette, or, State journal and general advertiser (Portsmouth, N.H.), May 6, 1780
[16] documented
The author notes that a merchant asks 30 or 40 pounds for a gallon of rum and a miller 90 or 100 pounds for a hundredweight of flour, while the real value of the rum is only five or six shillings sterling.
"A merchant asks 30 or 40 pounds for 2 gallon of rum, and a miller go or 10 pounds for hundred weight of flour; tive real value of the firft is not above. five or fix thillings Seerling"
Image 1 of New-Hampshire gazette, or, State journal and general advertiser (Portsmouth, N.H.), May 6, 1780
[17] documented
Merchants in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, voted to adopt measures similar to those in Philadelphia and Boston to reduce prices and support the credit of the depreciating paper currency.
"Voted, THat wé will adopt theaflutes fimi fimi-lar - -lar fimi-lar to those agreed to by the Merchants ard Traders in. Philadelphia énd Boston, in re regard - gard regard to reddcing the prices of the neceflaries of life, atid for fapporting tlie credit of ot turrency."
Image 1 of New-Hampshire gazette, or, State journal and general advertiser (Portsmouth, N.H.), July 6, 1779
[18] documented
The merchants resolved to sell goods at no higher price than they were on May 1st and to continue lowering prices monthly if other towns adopted similar measures.
"Resolved, Upon condition the other towas TAUESD A Y JULY 8 1776 in this State adopt fimilae measures respect respecting - ing respecting their Merchandize and Produce, that from and dfter the 29th day of July inst, we will fell no article of Merchandize higher than it w as fold on the firft day of May last, arid-from the said 29th'day of July, we will continue month by moath to 'Bwer the prices of"
Image 1 of New-Hampshire gazette, or, State journal and general advertiser (Portsmouth, N.H.), July 6, 1779
[19] documented
The merchants resolved to discourage the buying and selling of silver and gold, stating that trading goods for hard money directly tended to destroy the credit of paper currency.
"Resolved, That we will not direltly or indireétly buy or fell; and that we will do all in outr power to discourage the buying and fglling of Silvet and Gold ; and that we wiil exert ourselves to carry into execution any measures Governriient may adopt, to grcvcnt a ‘praltice so detrimental to the üblic Waal, . .~ R g Whereas the buying and [elling Goods for Bard money in pars or in whole, bas a di"
Image 1 of New-Hampshire gazette, or, State journal and general advertiser (Portsmouth, N.H.), July 6, 1779
[20] documented
The town meeting voted that anyone who refused to accept Continental Currency or demanded hard money for rents would be transported to the enemies as unworthy and dangerous members of society.
"Voted, That all those who fhail hereaiter dave to refufe Continental Currenmcy, OF require Hagd Money for Rents, of any Article what - ever, shall not” remain among us, but be traniported to .our Eoemics, as unworthy and dangerous Members of Society."
Image 1 of New-Hampshire gazette, or, State journal and general advertiser (Portsmouth, N.H.), July 6, 1779
[21] documented
A report from Philadelphia indicated that citizens' measures to appreciate currency and lower prices were being followed by several counties in the state.
"We have'the pleafyre Qf’,,'i‘xyifi,;?%mg-“bc public, that the {pirited measures entered - to by the ciiizéns of Philade!phia, for appre= ciating our currency, and lowering the prices of the necessaries and conventences-of g I€, are followed by several of theCountiésint is State,and we have the grezteit rezion to hcpe will soon be adopted by all."
Image 1 of New-Hampshire gazette, or, State journal and general advertiser (Portsmouth, N.H.), July 6, 1779
[22] supported
The Massachusetts colonial government issued fiduciary paper money in 1690, which the document presents as the first such issue in North America.
"le gouvernement colonial du Massachusetts émette de la monnaie fiduciaire de papier en 1690"
Billet de banque
[23] documented
The market value of colonial New Jersey's paper money was predominantly determined by its real-asset present value.
"Its market value was predominately determined by its real-asset present value."
Colonial New Jersey Paper Money, 1709–1775: Value Decomposition and Performance (2016)
[24] supported
Massachusetts started colonial paper money, and colonists initially used it to finance raids into the French colony of Quebec.
"the practice was started in Massachusetts, where colonists initially used it to finance raids into the French colony of Quebec."
PDF From Fiat to Sound Money: An Analysis of Historical Transitions and a ...
[25] supported
Paper money is 'fiduciary' because its value depends heavily on how much holders trust the issuing body, which is the mechanism that determines whether such money holds or loses value.
"sa valeur est fortement dépendante du degré de confiance accordé par les porteurs de billets à l'organisme qui les émet"
Billet de banque
[26] documented
Figure 3 shows the imputed interest rate r* spiking to over 100 percent in 1719 before falling back to 7.7 percent by 1721.
"The arrows indicate that r* rose to 100+ percent in 1719, before returning to 7.7 percent in 1721."
Colonial New Jersey Paper Money, 1709–1775: Value Decomposition and Performance (2016)
[27] supported
The Continental Congress issued roughly $225 million in Continentals on top of a prewar money supply of about $10–12 million, and states never levied enough taxes to retire the notes as planned.
"the states never levied sufficient taxes, while the Continental Congress added roughly $225 million in “Continentals” to the existing money supply of about $10–12 million within the next five years"
PDF From Fiat to Sound Money: An Analysis of Historical Transitions and a ...
[28] supported
Continentals depreciated from a 1:1 exchange rate with specie to 168:1 by spring 1781, a near-total loss of value of 99.4 percent.
"devalued the Continentals from the initial exchange rate in specie of 1:1 to 42:1 by December 1779, and to 168:1 by spring 1781"
PDF From Fiat to Sound Money: An Analysis of Historical Transitions and a ...
[29] documented
The analysis finds no overall depreciation of New Jersey paper money, where depreciation means a loss of asset principal measured in present value terms.
"2 shows no overall depreciation of New Jersey paper money, deprecia-"
Colonial New Jersey Paper Money, 1709–1775: Value Decomposition and Performance (2016)
[30] supported
New France's 'card money' was created in June 1685 by the intendant Jacques de Meulles and spread as far as New Orleans, an early form of colonial paper money that the document describes as emergency money.
"Cette monnaie de carte fut créée en juin 1685 par l'intendant Jacques de Meulles"
Billet de banque
[31] supported
The Continental Congress notes suffered immediate inflation, and after 42 issues the currency came close to hyperinflation before disappearing, leaving the saying that something is not worth even a Continental note.
"L’inflation est immédiate, et après 42 émissions, on frôle l' hyperinflation"
Monnaie fiduciaire
[32] supported
Intendant de Meulles issued card money in Canada in 1685 because there was no coined money available to pay soldiers who were demanding their back pay.
"It was paid out, in default of any available coined money, to the soldiers, sent out in the defense of the country, who were clamoring for their arrears."
Monnaie de carte
[33] supported
Massachusetts's 1690 paper money, issued to pay soldiers returning from a Canadian expedition, is often called the first paper money in America, but Canadian playing-card money had appeared five years earlier.
"la monnaie de carte à jouer canadienne avait fait son apparition cinq ans plus tôt"
Monnaie de carte
[34] supported
Economist Richard Lester observed that Massachusetts colonists became familiar with the success of Canadian card money, which may have given that colony the idea of issuing paper money.
"les colons du Massachusetts, face au succès remporté par la monnaie de carte canadienne, s'y sont familiarisés"
Monnaie de carte
[35] supported
Murray Rothbard described Massachusetts's paper money as the first government paper money issued in the world apart from medieval China, after a proposed Blackwell bank with forced-legal-tender notes was abandoned.
"Paper money finally came to Massachusetts not in the form of a land banks notes, but as the first issue of government paper money in the world, apart from medieval China."
Monnaie de carte
[36] supported
In the French revolutionary bon system, the main issuer, the Maison de secours in Paris, soon showed a deficit of over 2 million, and circulation of these notes was withdrawn in mid-1793 with use made punishable by death.
"le principal émetteur, la Maison de secours (Paris), laisse bientôt apparaître un déficit de plus de 2 millions"
Monnaie de carte